Snapback was more than warranted . The sunset date for exercising this unique feature of the JCPOA was rapidly approaching, and Iranian nuclear escalations were ongoing. Particularly worrying was Tehran’s production of uranium enriched to 60 percent purity—a level that can be used directly in a nuclear bomb—and lack of cooperation with international inspectors. Bluntly, even though Iran was not the first to abandon the JCPOA’s requirements, these provocations crossed the line.

The recent snapback of international sanctions marks the formal—and final—end to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. That deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA , was working at keeping Iran’s program contained until the United States withdrew in 2018 . In the years since, it had eroded beyond any reasonable repair .

The recent snapback of international sanctions marks the formal—and final—end to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. That deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA, was working at keeping Iran’s program contained until the United States withdrew in 2018. In the years since, it had eroded beyond any reasonable repair.

Snapback was more than warranted. The sunset date for exercising this unique feature of the JCPOA was rapidly approaching, and Iranian nuclear escalations were ongoing. Particularly worrying was Tehran’s production of uranium enriched to 60 percent purity—a level that can be used directly in a nuclear bomb—and lack of cooperation with international inspectors. Bluntly, even though Iran was not the first to abandon the JCPOA’s requirements, these provocations crossed the line.

The Israeli and U.S. military strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities in June severely degraded its nuclear program but did not end the country’s ability to make a nuclear bomb. Achieving this goal will require diplomacy.

In fact, this is an ideal moment for the United States to s